Good governance and human security in Malaysia: Sarawak's hydroelectric conundrum.

• Author: Howe, Brendan M.
• Position: Essay

Malaysia is an upper-middle income developing economy endowed with abundant natural resources. Among these are conditions supportive of hydroelectric power initiatives. This article considers the extent to which the Malaysian government is practising good governance in its national energy policymaking, with a particular emphasis on hydroelectric dam construction in the East Malaysian state of Sarawak. This article is based on qualitative research, applying a process tracing methodology on the existing academic literature concerning Malaysia's hydroelectric dams, as well as news reports from both national and international news sources. The timeframe of the analysis spans from the construction of the Bakun dam in 1996 to contemporary discourse on the Murum, Baram and Baleh projects. This allows for both a retrospective look on past studies as well as a critique of contemporary governance and policymaking which has failed to respond adequately to criticisms of mega-dams projects.

By examining one of the most visible signs of a macroeconomic development focus, the building of hydroelectric dams, and the impact of policies related to such a focus upon one of the most vulnerable sections of Malaysian society, the indigenous peoples of Sarawak, we examine the competing justifications for their construction (or lack thereof) from both traditional and nontraditional/human governance perspectives. The findings cast doubt on the validity of continued prioritization of hydroelectric dam construction as a cornerstone of government energy and development policy. This article first examines the macroeconomic and national development model case for the pursuit of hydroelectric power, i.e. the extent to which the building of hydroelectric dams in Sarawak is justifiable by its own governance terms of reference. It then turns to consider whether the policy is defensible from a human-centric perspective when vulnerable populations experience significant negative impacts.

Concepts and Case Selection

At the very least, good governance implies that those who govern do so in the interests of the governed. From an international institutional perspective derived from major international donor frameworks, good governance refers to efficiency in the provision of services and economic competitiveness, comparing ineffective economies or political bodies with viable economies and political bodies. (1) The terms "governance" and "good governance" are used increasingly in development literature, with bad governance regarded as an underlying structural factor contributing to many challenges within our societies. Major donors and international financial institutions base their aid and loans on the condition that reforms aimed at enhancing "good governance" are undertaken. (2) Thus for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), good governance is participatory, transparent and accountable, as well as effective and equitable, while also promoting the rule of law. (3)

In practice, national governments implement pro-growth economic policies, and, if they wish to receive international support, have to open up their public administrative practices. This essentially neoliberal economic perspective resonates in the Asia-Pacific region where, in many cases, countries have prioritized economic over social or political development. Indeed, the region has been described as suffused with a remarkable "econophoria", wherein all governance problems, whether domestic or international, are seen as surmountable through development and growth--an outlook which has emerged alongside the dynamic economic success stories of most regional states. (4)

The champions of an economic development focus in governance policy prioritization certainly use macroeconomic aggregate data measurements to support their position. The Asia Pacific is an extremely successful region for development in terms of both economic growth, and stable and secure governance. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) notes that if the region continues on its current trajectory, by 2050 its per capita income could rise six-fold in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms to reach contemporary European levels: "By nearly doubling its share of global gross domestic product (GDP) to 52 per cent by 2050, Asia would regain the dominant economic position it held some 300 years ago, before the industrial revolution." (5) While this prioritization has contributed to remarkable patterns of economic growth, it has also seen the rise in importance of challenges to human security in both absolute and relative terms. (6)

The December 2011 Busan Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation identified the promotion of human rights, democracy and good governance as an integral part of development efforts. (7) Likewise, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights notes that good governance and human rights are mutually reinforcing, with human rights principles providing a set of performance standards as well as informing the content of good governance efforts in terms of legislative frameworks, policies, programmes, budgetary allocations and other measures. (8) Thus an alternative perspective of "good governance", as opposed to merely efficient governance, is that set of policy prescriptions and practices which prioritizes the interests of the most vulnerable sections of society; and that the most foundational interests of these individuals can be found in entitlement rights covered by the newly emerging paradigms of human security and human development. (9)

Human security is an emerging multi-disciplinary paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities at the level of individual human beings, incorporating methodologies and analysis from a number of research fields including strategic and security studies, development studies, human rights, international relations and the study of international organizations. It exists at the point where these disciplines converge on the concept of protection of the individual. Human development emphasizes that the referent object in all development policymaking must be the individual human being and not the state. Good governance in this context equates to those responsible for governing doing so in a way that not only resolves conflicts of interest and generates collective good, but are also equitable, accountable and broadly in the interests of the most vulnerable sections of society. (10)

Malaysia represents an exemplary case study of the conflict between these two good governance and development perspectives. Malaysia has experienced rapid industrialization since Malaya became independent in 1957 and the subsequent formation of Malaysia in 1963. The national federal government has strongly promoted a series of policies related to the top-down macroeconomic growth patterns of a centralized planned economy. The development policies of Malaysia have been geared towards moving the country from an agricultural based country to an industrialized one. As such, Malaysia's governance experience and policy equates with what has become known as a "developmental state", wherein there is a high degree of state intervention in the economy. (11) Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's fourth prime minister from 1981 to 2003, had detailed economic plans meant to emulate the success of Northeast Asian developmental states such as Japan and South Korea, with the aim of becoming a developed nation by 2020. (12)

By many measurements, these plans have brought significant success. Malaysia is now considered an upper-middle income country by the World Bank, with a GDP per capita of US$25,100 as of the 2014 estimate and a robust economy of rubber and oil palm processing and manufacturing, petroleum and natural gas, light manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, medical technology, electronics and semi-conductor production. (13) Yet, by human-centred measurements, Malaysia's record is much less impressive, and the drive for national development success has even negatively impacted the human security of the most vulnerable. Malaysia ranks 62nd on the 2014 UNDP Human Development Index (HDI), (14) but even this measurement fails to take into account sufficiently the degree to which economic growth has contributed to income disparities in the country. (15)

Development at What Cost and at Whose Expense?

Despite significant economic growth, Malaysia's socio-political governance still leaves much to be desired. The benefits of development have yet to be felt by some of the most vulnerable sections of society, and worse, large development projects in the country can sometimes cause irreparable harm to minorities as well as to the environment. The trajectory taken by Malaysian economic development has brought about success and wealth for a small number of elites and added to the growing economic gap among its people. The Corruption Perception Index of 2014 by Transparency International ranks Malaysia 50th out of 175 countries. (16) There is growing political unrest with demonstrations from the public calling for change, such as the Bersih rallies in 2007, 2011 and 2012, in which protesters called for clean elections. (17)

Malaysia's native population, other than the dominant Malay ethnic group, comprises a myriad of indigenous tribes of varying sizes and economic engagement with the wider Malaysian polity. The non-Malay indigenous peoples make up some 12 per cent of Malaysia's 28.6 million citizens, and they remain among the poorest despite national economic development. The majority of Malaysia's indigenous peoples reside in the eastern states of Sabah and Sarawak, regions rich in wood, water and biodiverse resources. Thus this research project focuses on the impact of Malaysia's national development policies aimed at exploiting these natural resources upon vulnerable indigenous groups in East Malaysia. In particular, this article examines how the building of hydroelectric dams in Sarawak (the...